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No Money, No Taxes: How Shared Work Gets Done

Personal, Interpersonal & Societal

Now

Almost everything a community builds together — roads, bridges, fire stations, courts, schools, water systems — has to be paid for in money, because money is what gates access to materials and labour. The people who pour the concrete need wages to cover their own rent and groceries; the supplier needs payment for the steel. So in a currency system, governments obtain and direct resources for shared works largely by taking a portion of what individuals earn — alongside borrowing, revenue from public enterprises and fees, and, in some systems, monetary issuance. Taxation also does other work: it redistributes claims, supports demand for the currency, influences conduct, and helps manage inflation. At its core it is not the invention of any one party or government, but the structural consequence of an arrangement in which nothing moves without currency. Across the 38 OECD countries, taxes took an average of 34.1% of GDP in 2024 — the highest average on record; the US figure was 25.6%. Whatever the level, the core mechanism is the same: a monetary claim is taken from one party for the sake of another, or for the common works.

Then comes the paperwork. The Tax Foundation estimates that Americans will spend 6.9 billion hours complying with federal tax rules, at a total burden of $544.6 billion — about 1.7% of GDP, and more than 28 times the IRS's own annual expenditures of roughly $19 billion. Six point nine billion hours is the equivalent of roughly 3.3 million people working full-time all year, producing nothing but forms. That time is not spent building, caring, learning, or resting. It is spent proving to an authority how much may be taken.

Unsurprisingly, almost no one is happy with the result — though people are unhappy for different reasons. In Gallup's 2026 survey, 59% of Americans said their taxes are too high, including 64% of independents, 60% of Republicans and 49% of Democrats; only 47% called the income tax they pay fair, close to the record low. Pew Research found that 61% are bothered a lot that some wealthy people don't pay their fair share and 60% feel the same about corporations, while 60% believe they personally pay more than their fair share. Republicans are more bothered by the amount they pay; Democrats by who escapes paying. On one point the two agree almost exactly: about half of both Republicans (53%) and Democrats (52%) say the complexity of the system bothers them a lot. The argument is never really about whether something is being taken. It is about who should give up what. That is the signature of a zero-sum arrangement: every gain in the debate is someone else's loss.

The same structure runs through the relationships people live inside every day. Between employer and employee, every dollar of wages is a dollar of expense, and every dollar saved on payroll is a dollar the worker does not take home. Neither side needs to be a villain for the tension to be permanent. The Economic Policy Institute reports that from 1979 to 2019, net productivity grew 59.7% while a typical worker's compensation grew 15.8%. That figure is contested: some economists, including analysts at the Heritage Foundation, argue that compensation has grown along with productivity once benefits are counted and the same inflation measure is used for both. The disagreement is real and largely about measurement. What is not contested is the arrangement itself: in a wage relationship, one side's gain is booked as the other side's cost, and both must guard their share.

Between landlord and tenant, a higher rent is income to one household and a loss to another. Harvard's Joint Center for Housing Studies found that a record 22.7 million renter households — 49% — spent more than 30% of their income on housing in 2024, including 12.1 million spending more than half. The number of cost-burdened renters has grown by 2.3 million since 2019. The opposition is sharp enough that the US Justice Department and eight states sued RealPage, alleging that competing landlords shared nonpublic rent data so its software could set their prices. And a small landlord carrying a mortgage sits in the middle of the same chain, passing the bank's claim along to the tenant.

Between lender and borrower, interest is income to one party precisely because it is an outflow from the other. US households owe $18.8 trillion, and required debt payments absorb about 11% of all disposable personal income, according to Federal Reserve data. On credit cards alone, Americans paid a record $130 billion in interest and fees in 2022, more than $105 billion of it interest. None of this requires bad people. Most employers, landlords and lenders are ordinary people doing what the arrangement rewards, and most of them are also employees, tenants or borrowers somewhere else. But an arrangement in which one party's gain is reliably another party's loss produces exactly what we see: suspicion, bargaining, lobbying, and a tax code that becomes a permanent battleground over who gets to keep what.

After

When currency no longer gates access to homes, food, materials, tools, and care, there is nothing to tax. Taxation does not end because some authority abolishes it and finds another way to take. It ends because there is no income, price, profit or money to tax, and no one's earnings are taken to pay for what someone else uses. What disappears is the monetary claim — not material reality. The billions of hours now spent on forms return to the people who spent them. No one hands over a share of their working life to an agency they never chose, and no one has to argue about who should hand over more.

Public works are done the way communities have long done much of their most important work: by people contributing time, skills, and shared materials. This is not a new idea. In the United States today, 70% of registered fire departments are all-volunteer, and more than half of active firefighters are volunteers. Volunteer fire departments show that people will undertake demanding, skilled public service without making personal profit their motive. They are nevertheless only a partial precedent: their vehicles, stations, communications, equipment and training are often financed through present-day taxation. The post-currency model extrapolates from the demonstrated willingness to serve while replacing the monetary infrastructure that still supports that service today. Barn raisings, mutual aid after disasters, and commons managed for centuries by the people who depend on them all run on the same principle. What changes is that this becomes the normal way to build, not the exception. Coordination is transparent: anyone can see what is needed, what materials and skills are available, and who has offered what. Decisions about what to build are made democratically by the people who will use it, at the most local level that works, within rights protections that no majority can override. Larger projects — a bridge, a power grid, a regional hospital — are coordinated across communities through the same open process.

The oppositions that currency built into daily life dissolve. Without wages, no one's pay is someone else's expense: people work together on things they have chosen to contribute to, and when the work becomes more productive, the gain shows up as shorter hours and better results for everyone, not as a fight over the split. Your home is yours to live in, and no one's shelter is someone else's income stream. With no money to lend, there is no interest to collect and no debt to service. A better-designed tool helps everyone who uses it. A neighbour's good health takes nothing from yours. Many gains no longer require a corresponding monetary loss for someone else — not because people have become saints, but because the arrangement no longer sets them against each other.

This is not the centralized, one-party, state-command system that many people mean when they use the word communism. Production and property are not handed to a remote state bureaucracy. Personal-use property remains secure; workplaces and communities govern themselves; participation is voluntary and anyone may leave; and federated institutions possess only limited, delegated and recallable authority, bound by protections for individual rights (see the Honest Questions and Answers). The model shares certain aspirations with cooperative, socialist, anarchist, Indigenous, religious and libertarian traditions, but it is defined by its actual structures and safeguards rather than by any inherited ideological label. Liberty, self-reliance, voluntary association, local control, care for your neighbours, and the simple principle that no one should take what you worked for are not in tension here. They describe the same arrangement.

Some things remain hard. Ending taxation does not repeal physical limits: steel used for one bridge cannot go into another; a hospital needs trained people who cannot be in two places at once; land has competing ecological, residential and infrastructure uses; unpleasant but necessary work still has to be done; one community’s project can affect its neighbours; and scarce goods still need transparent allocation. These are physical trade-offs, not monetary ones, and they must be decided openly, fairly and at the appropriate local or federated level. Where capacity is insufficient, a project is redesigned, delayed, scaled down, automated where possible, or undertaken once more people and resources are available. Coordinating large shared projects requires good tools, accurate information, and trust that has to be earned over time. Fairness of contribution is a real question: some people will give more than others, and communities will need open ways to recognise effort, rotate unpleasant tasks, and let machines carry as much drudgery as possible. And the transition itself is gradual. Until it is complete, taxes still exist and must be paid lawfully; nothing here asks anyone to stop. Currency is phased out only as shared, non-market systems prove they can reliably carry the load (see the Transition Roadmap). The question this scenario raises is not how to divide the pie more fairly. It is whether we still need an arrangement in which one person’s financial gain so often depends upon another person’s financial loss.

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